Times nowadays move so fast that our responses to the political situation are in almost constant need of modification and readjustment. In your Summer '99 issue you invite readers to join in the discussion on NATO and the Kosovo war opened by members of your editorial board. Since their statements were published the situation has changed dramatically and is continuing to do so. In the meantime, bombings have been suspended and will be finally terminated presently by NATO. Much of what was was written has, therefore, become obsolete. What I have to say on the subject today may very well also be outdated by the time it reaches you.

All the same, the evaluation given by Stephen R. Shalom in respect of the total lack of credibility of NATO's humanitarian motivations in bombing Yougoslavia will stand the test of time and so will his rejection of a ground invasion of Kosovo. I would also underwrite much of what the other members of "New Politics" editorial board wrote, above all their unanimity in unequivocally censuring Milosevic's ethnic war against the Kosovo Albanians. The misgivings I would like to articulate relate to the almost equally unanimous support by all but Shalom for KLA and it's right to act as the armed force of "Kosovo resistance". I feel Shalom is right in pointing out that "calling for the arming of the KLA ... will be seen as calling for the war to continue".

The Serb armed forces have largely left the Kosovo, NATO military forces from the former war-time allies USA, Britain and France together with the two former axis powers Germany and Italy have moved into the area. The Russians have circumvented their virtual exclusion from this "peace mission" by moving in without authorisation by NATO and negotiating post factum.

So far, the KLA has not been disarmed as stipulated in the UN resolution. While the UN resolution engages to safeguard he Kosovo-Serbs' right to stay in the Kosovo there is little evidence so far that the NATO forces are able or willing to do so. Fritz von Korff, Commander of the German brigade, said he could, at present, disarm KLA only if they interfered with his assignment. NATO-Secretary General Solana said he hoped that the Kosovo Serbs will be able to remain in the Kosovo which means that he is not going to insist on their (and that of the other non-Albanian ethnic minorities in the Kosovo) right not to be ethnically cleansed out of their homes in their turn. At the same time, there are evident efforts made to prevent the Russian military contingent from protecting the Serb minority by refusing them a sector of their own and shifting them to the South of the Kosovo away from the more Serbian regions. So far 50,000 Serb civilian refugees have fled before the KLA to Serbia and Montenegro and there are first reports of Serb civilians shot by KLA.

I strongly underwrite the Kosovo people's right to self-determination. I also agree with Julius that "they will never gain their freedom except through their own struggle". With two reservations: (1) The people who populate the Kosovo are not only of Albanian extraction; they also comprise Serb, Roma (gypsy), Jewish and people of other origin. Democracy and self-termination will not be enhanced if the ethnic majority are allowed and even encouraged to pursue the same nationalist ethnic policy as the Milosevic Government. KLA is an armed force composed of Kosovo-Albanians; the political groups behind it representing the Kosovo Albanians are united only in respect of their hatred of the Serbs. There is, also, so far, no evidence that an independent Kosovo ruled by either Rexha Ekrem, Hashim Thaci or Ibrahim Rugova and backed by armed Albanians will guarantee the human rights of ethnic minorities. (2)The continued existence - in defiance of the UNO resolution - of a military force representing only the ethnic majority of the area bodes ill for the urgently needed democratic social transformation. This will, in my view, require the rigid enforcement of only non-violent and democratic forms of struggle. I therefore believe the policy we should pursue is to urge our Governments to implement faithfully the UNO resolution. Thus, we would help giving the democratic elements in the Kosovo, doubtlessly to be found among all ethnic groups, a genuine chance to reemerge.

My plea for left-wing people in the NATO countries to press upon their Governments to enforce the implementation of the UN resolution, in particular in respect of the total disarmament of all armed groups acting in the Kosovo and in safeguarding the civil and human rights of non-Albanian ethnic minorities is motivated by my strong belief that only under conditions of non-violence will there be a chance of the Balkan countries' genuine pacification and subsequent democratisation. Yougoslav civil rights groups (not the opposition figure heads like Rugova et alia) have been actively opposing the policy of ethnic cleansing before the bombing and would, no doubt, promote the process of democratisation if given the opportunity. Thus the Yougoslav organisation "Women in Black", in an open letter issued at their VII international meeting held in Palic, Serbia, from 6 - 9 August, 1998, drew attention to the fact that from 1991 they had been non- violently protesting against the Serbian (Milosevic) regime and its involvement in war. They had tried to "promote the creation of a culture of peace but were always confronted with new war zones!" The women appealed "to governments, the international community, the European Union, UN, and all responsible citizens to stop the war immediately" and demanded

1. Urgent humanitarian aid and free access to all internally and externally displaced people from Kosovo.

2. Complete disarmament of all armed parties.

3. Establishing international UN civil protectorate in a wider region.

4. Investigation and identification of the responsible criminals for war in Kosovo and bringing them to International Criminal Court.

5. Organizing the UN International conference to solve the Kosovo problem.

6. Organizing parallel UN NGO peace conference with active involvement of womenĦs autonomous groups from Kosovo and Serbia in peace negotiation. They are one of few hopes for civil society values and different concept of power that does not destroy, but encourage democracy.

They pledged themselves "to continue their work to end discrimination against women, men and children and to oppose militarism, nationalism, sexism, racism, classism, homophobia....

• to create solidarity between women of Albanian and Serbian ethnic origins as well as of women of other nationalities in conflict, and support values and rights to differences.

• to strengthen our network with women all over the world to create womenĦs international peace policy.

• to continue non-violent resistance against all kinds of ethnic homogenization and patriarchal militarist orders"

(Internet message of 9 August 1998 WOMEN IN BLACK AGAINST WAR .Belgrade tel/fax: 381.11.623.225 e-mail: stasazen@eunet.yu).

Likewise a number of prominent Serb personalities, " long time proponents of and activists for a democratic and anti-nationalist Serbia, who have chosen to remain in Yugoslavia during this moment of crisis and who want to see our country reintegrated into the community of world nations" proliferated a statement through internet on 27 April 1999, called "Let Civility Prevail" calling for an end of the war. They pointed out that "the existing regime has only been reinforced by NATO's attacks in Yugoslavia by way of the natural reaction of people to rally around the flag in times of foreign aggression. We continue our opposition to the present anti-democratic and authoritarian regime, but we also emphatically oppose NATO's aggression. The democratic forces in Serbia have been weakened and the democratic reformist Government of Montenegro threatened by NATO's attacks and by the regime's subsequent proclamation of the state of war and now find themselves between NATO's hammer and regime's anvil". They continued: "We strongly condemn the ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population perpetrated by Yugoslav forces. We strongly condemn the Kosovo Liberation Army's (KLA) violence targeted against the Serbs, moderate Albanians and other ethnic communities in Kosovo. The humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo - death, grief and extreme suffering for hundreds of thousands of Albanians, Serbs and members of other ethnic communities - has to be ended now. All refugees from Yugoslavia must immediately and unconditionally be allowed to return to their homes, their security and human rights guaranteed, and aid for reconstruction provided. Perpetrators of crimes against humanity whoever they are must be brought to justice". This statement was signed in Belgrade on April 16, 1999 by 27 public men and women (see list below).

All people are entitled to self-determination including the right to form an independent state. So are, therefore, the people of the Kosovo. Under the conditions of military occupation this right will, naturally, be very much impaired. A great deal of public pressure will be needed to ensure that the occupation authorities really implement the UN resolution's insistence on a general disarming of all armed forces in the Kosovo including the KLA, in my view, indispensible condition for the non-violent democratic groups to organize in an atmosphere free from fear of violence.

I, therefore, deplore the insistence in most of the statements in your last issue on the right of KLA to remaining an armed force and appeal to you and your readers to do what you can in pressurizing the Government to implement the UN resolution, especially in respect of the human and civil rights of the ethnic minorities in the Kosovo, and to insist on NATO disarming all armed groups so that ethnic minority groups are not forced to flee the country for fear for their lives. Please also support all non-violent civil rights organisations in their efforts to reestablish communication and cooperation between the different ethnicities. Without achieving this, there will be no peace in the Balkan states.

List of signatories of "Let Civility Prevail"

1. Stojan Cerovic, "Vreme" columnist and journalist
2. Jovan Cirilov, Belgrade International Theater Festival (BITEF) selector and former director of the Yugoslav Drama Theater; Theater History Center Director
3. Sima Cirkovic, Member Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Professor, Belgrade University, Dept. of History
4. Mijat Damnjanovic, Former Professor, Belgrade University, Faculty of Political Sciences, Center for Public Administration and Local Government (PALGO) Director
5. Vojin Dimitrijevic, Former head of the Department of International Law, Belgrade Law School; The Belgrade Center for Human Rights, Director; UN Human Rights Committee former Vice Chairman
6. Dasa Duhacek, Director Women Studies Center, Board Member of Alternative Academic Educational Network (AAEN)
7. Milutin Garasanin, Member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts; Vice President of The Association for Research of South-Eastern Europe (UNESCO)
8. Zagorka Golubovic, Professor, Belgrade University, Department of Sociology; Chair Social Sciences Department of AAEN
9. Dejan Janca, Professor, Novi Sad University, Law School
10. Ivan Jankovic, Belgrade lawyer, human rights activist, Board President of Center for Anti-War Action
11. Predrag Koraksic, Belgrade caricaturist
12. Mladen Lazic, Professor, Belgrade University, Department of Sociology, AAEN Board member
13. Sonja Licht, President, Fund for an Open Society Executive Board
14. Ljubomir Madzar, Professor Belgrade University, Faculty of Economy, Member Group-17
15. Veran Matic, Editor in Chief, Belgrade Radio B92, President Alternative Network of Electronic Media (ANEM)
16. Jelica Minic, Secretary General, European Movement in Serbia
17. Andrej Mitrovic, Professor, Belgrade University, Department of History
18. Radmila Nakarada, Senior Reserach Fellow, Belgrade Institute for European Studies
19. Milan Nikolic, Director, Center for Policy Studies
20. Vida Ognjenovic, Theater director, playwrite
21. Borka Pavicevic, Director, Center for Cultural Decontamination
22. Jelena Santic, Anti-war 487 group, human rights activist
23. Nikola Tasic, Associate member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Member European Academy
24. Ljubinka Trgovcevic, Senior Research Fellow, Belgrade University, Department of History
25. Srbijanka Turajlic, Professor, Belgrade University, Faculty of Electrical Engineering, Board President AAEN
26. Ivan Vejvoda, Fund for an Open Society Executive Director,
27. Branko Vucicevic, translator.

Kosovo/a Discussion